What sort of moral leadership can emerge when Deconstruction undermines Christianity, as it has?

Is secularism taking hold? Is paganism reemerging? Do we live in a strange time characterized by a return to paganism, though with Christian characteristics? Whichever account is correct has implications for America in the aftermath of George Floyd’s death.

The nation is not a thing to be invested with religious content. But Christians who support the National Conservativism project recognize that without a home, a nation, there is no room for Christianity at all.

Identity politics, which seems to be anti-Christian, is in fact a profoundly Protestant heresy, which can only be corrected by a Protestantism that has the audacity to double-down on the claim identity politics makes about the irredeemable sins of man, and yet insist that a divine scapegoat, rather than a merely mortal one, is the resolution to the problem that is man, and the source of his redemption.

Robert Kagan is correct that there are political movements that oppose neoliberal and neoconservative universalism. Authoritarianism is one of them. So, too, is Tocquevillian liberalism.

Instead of debating President Trump’s character, we should ask which is more Christian: the experiment with globalism that seems now to have faltered, or the somber return to nations that seeks, modestly yet earnestly, to fortify transnational alliances where they are possible, but reject them where they are not.

Because the U.N. does not have the power of the sword, the U.S. abstention in the recent U.N. vote has not weakened Israel at all; it has weakened the U.N.

Inboden’s essay in War on the Rocks, “Dark Days: Trump, Christianity, and a Low Dishonest Decade,” has garnered a great deal of attention, but has not, as far as I can tell, been answered in print.

America has been mesmerized by two ideas that have given hazy coherence to the post-1989 world: “globalism” and “identity politics.”