There are legitimate reasons to brace for the worst on the Korean Peninsula. The challenge in bracing for the worst is to not hasten the worst.

Dozens of civilians have been killed in the latest chemical-weapons attack in Syria. Western governments blame Syrian strongman Bashar Assad for the assault.

The Great War, which America entered a century ago this month, offers lessons for us today on democracy, trade, and arms races.

Here, in the middle of the centennial anniversary period of World War I, we still find ourselves in the shadows of the Great War—and still have much to learn from it.

With the Middle East on fire, Europe on edge, Russia on the march, and China on the rise, America’s interlocking system of alliances is more important now than at any time since the beginning of the Cold War.

China plans to introduce rewards for parents to have a second child, after ending the one-child policy in 2015. Someone in Beijing must have realized industrial-scale social engineering has enormous unintended consequences.

Trump’s decision to turn to, and lean on, generals is nothing new. Americans have been doing that since the founding of the country.

Trump appeared to revel in chaos on the campaign trail, but chaos theory does not hold when it comes to foreign policy. Consider some of the consequences—and these are the shortest of short-term consequences—of Trump’s early foreign policy decisions and pronouncements.

I believe Obama’s motives in trying to close Gitmo were to improve America’s image abroad. It’s sad that, even after eight years in office, he never gave those who opposed the closure of Gitmo the same benefit of the doubt.