In response to the failure of many theories that predicted a decline in religious observance and increase in global secularization, there is now increased attention to the role of religion in international affairs.
Many analysts speak of a resurgence of religion itself in global affairs, though others dispute this. Perhaps then what we are seeing is not a revival of religious influence but a slowly growing recognition of an ever-present reality neglected due to secular myopia.
In either case, this renewed attention is welcome. However, it is often undercut by two issues.
First, it still tends to be restricted to academia and so far seems to have little effect on foreign policy practitioners. Although the U.S. has been at war with an Iranian regime professedly based on an aggressive and expansionist form of Shiite Islam, this religious dimension is largely absent from current analyses of the conflict by actual participants, proponents, and pundits.
This exemplifies a pattern. Edward Luttwak recounts that in 1978-9, months before the Ayatollah Khomeini swept into power in Iran, the CIA rejected a proposal to examine “the attitude and activities of the more prominent religious leaders” as mere “sociology,” intelligence-speak for irrelevant academic verbiage. Consequently, while the shah’s regime collapsed, many U.S. political analysts ignored the widespread religious fervor and concluded that since the secular power centers were on board with the Shah then everything would be fine.
Another problem is a tendency to bracket religion as something which is over there, a discrete area of human life that might perhaps need to be examined if it brushes against politics, rather than as something that pervades human life and thus necessarily underlies and shapes politics.
Robert Joustra’s latest book, Christ and Covenant in Global Politics: A Christian Introduction to International Relations, avoids these pitfalls. It also eschews the common Christian tendency to baptize extant political ideologies as the proper expression of the faith in the current age.
While there are many books on Christian approaches to politics, ones focusing specifically on global politics are comparatively rare.
The prose is lively and sometimes humorous. Drawing on a course that Joustra has taught for almost two decades, it is designed with undergraduate students in mind.
Joustra gives his readers an overview of current major Western international relations theories and discusses their strengths and weaknesses, but his primary purpose is developing a distinctively Christian theory of international relations.
Hence, he asks not only how Christians should behave within existing international systems but also how Christians should understand and seek to reshape those systems. This deeper level of inquiry distinguishes the book from many other faith-based treatments of politics.
Joustra argues that there are rich resources within Christian theology for thinking about power, justice, sovereignty, war, economics, and global cooperation. He draws heavily both on Augustine’s concept of rightly ordered loves (ordo amoris) and a Calvinist tradition of covenantal thought. Thereby, he hopes to develop a theory of global politics rooted in neither fear nor competition but in covenantal relationships and the pursuit of justice.
He argues that international relations theories are never religiously neutral but that every approach—realist, liberal, Marxist, constructivist, or pacifist—ineluctably draws on root theological assumptions about history, anthropology, law, justice, power, community, and the good life. In analyzing these assumptions, Joustra seeks to show that our understanding of international politics is inevitably shaped by moral and theological commitments, whether recognized or not.
His criticism of the illusions of secular neutrality in politics is not simplistic but engages competing theories on their own terms before seeking to show both their strengths and limitations.
For example, “realism” has long dominated international relations theories by emphasizing the continuing centrality of power and national self-interest, and the anarchic nature of the international system. Joustra certainly appreciates the sober recognition of human sinfulness and corollary endemic political conflict foregrounded by realism, but he also argues that realism can absolutize this will to power and hence reduces political life to competition among self-interested actors. It properly sees the corruption of human nature but misses the possibility of redemption and reconciliation.
His discussion of constructivism, or liberal internationalism, is similarly nuanced. Joustra acknowledges its achievements in promoting human rights, international cooperation, and democracy, but challenges its assumption of universalism and its common belief that rational consensus can overcome deep cultural and moral differences. Again, rather than rejecting liberal aspirations tout court, he seeks to ground more robust cooperation in a richer understanding of covenantal relationships and pluralism.
The heart of the book lies in Augustine’s teachings about rightly ordered loves. Hence, for Joustra, political communities are shaped fundamentally by the objects of their love. States, countries, nations, institutions, and international systems are not merely clusters of interests but are also expressions of moral commitment and shared visions of the good. By focusing on love, loyalty, and covenant, he introduces categories often neglected in conventional political analysis but which can play powerful roles in global affairs. Despite the twisted timbers of human venality, normative commitments remain written on the heart.
Joustra also draws on the now much-discussed notion of covenantal pluralism. He suggests a vision of international society in which diverse communities coexist through mutual obligations and shared commitments. This approach reflects influences from Reformed political theology, particularly Abraham Kuyper, and probably also reflects Joustra’s Canadian background and sensibilities. It results in a framework that recognizes and seeks to preserve cultural diversity while encouraging cooperation across political and religious boundaries.
He also essays to cover some more practical matters and apply his ideas to diplomacy, war, political economy, and the environment. His discussions of just war, economic justice, and climate responsibility try to demonstrate their relevance to contemporary global issues but, in our divided world, will there be political practitioners who will seek to actualize them?
However, Joustra’s goal is to flesh out a Christian framework for thinking through such issues rather than to provide concrete policy prescriptions. Hence, he says little about how Christians in government might navigate conflicts between national obligations and global responsibilities, or what institutional reforms could help develop a covenantal international order. The book raises these questions but does not provide developed answers.
While Joustra engages Augustine and broader Christian themes, the book relies heavily on the Reformed, Calvinist tradition. Catholics, Orthodox, Anabaptists, or Pentecostals may question whether his particular themes should occupy such a central role in Christian political thought. We might note that others in the Kuyperian tradition writing on international affairs reach some similar but diverging conclusions.
The book’s significance lies not in providing political solutions but in expanding the moral imagination of its readers. Joustra challenges the assumption that international politics must be understood primarily through power, interests, and institutions. He reminds readers that questions of love, justice, and human flourishing are no less important. By recovering theological resources often absent from contemporary political discourse, Joustra opens important new avenues for thinking about global affairs.
