Rebeccah Heinrichs

If Russia wanted a U.S. president who would follow the Obama administration’s patterns of concessions and refusal to respond to Russian aggression, it would have been hoping for and preparing for a Hillary Clinton presidency.

In the second part of our conversation with Rebeccah Heinrichs, we cover why the United States should have nuclear weapons, the need for missile defense, how just war theory would critique the mutual assured destruction (MAD) strategy, and more.

In the second episode of Foreign Policy ProvCast, Rebeccah Heinrichs speaks about her article on nuclear deterrence.

On the foreign policy of a Trump presidency, the character of our military, allies and interests–and a little something about a beautiful plane

The United States must pursue policies that ensure the U.S. nuclear deterrent is safe, reliable, and credible. Reserving the right to resume nuclear testing is one such means to maintain such a credible deterrent.

Not only is the United States morally justified to possess nuclear weapons and to credibly threaten their employment, it would be immoral and inimical to the principles of Christian just war theory for the U.S. government to adopt the disarmament agenda.

Just last week FBI Director James Comey warned: “At some point there’s going to be a terrorist diaspora out of Syria like we’ve never seen before.”

It’s a good exercise for world leaders to remember those horrific bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and to learn critical lessons from them. But the President and I disagree on the lessons to be learned.

The United States and NATO have zero tolerance for the use of nuclear weapons and would exact a punishing response against Russian leadership and/or military facilities ensuring there would be no second strike, to put it lightly. At least, this is what the U.S. government should make Waterford-crystal-clear.

If one actually looks at the risks of nuclear war as well as the likelihood of proliferation at the start of the President’s term compared to now, the Obama’s nonproliferation record earns a failing grade. This becomes clear when one reflects on the Russian nuclear posture, the much ballyhooed Iran deal, and the situation in nuclear North Korea.