Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 shocked the world and spurred negative feelings about Russian people and culture more broadly. Geopolitics molds society, overtly and covertly. The famous designer Tom Ford renamed his “Russian Rose” perfume. Eurovision banned Russian performers. The Washington, D.C. restaurant “Russia House” was vandalized and closed. The world feared legitimizing a culture understandably perceived as attempting to dominate another. For average people, that meant forgoing a night at the Russian ballet, letting that Dostoyevsky novel collect dust, or visiting a Ukrainian eatery instead of a nearby Russian one. These are sensitive, well-intentioned, and respectable decisions made to mitigate the invading country’s soft power. Yet such choices – if not properly examined – can sometimes lead to considerable consequences, whether intentionally or unintentionally.
While identifying the connection between culture and national power is prudent, broadly Russophobic behaviors are not. Largely due to Vladimir Putin’s war in Ukraine, the United States received between 30,000 and 40,000 Russian immigrants in 2023 alone, including a historic influx of Russians crossing through the southern border. As the U.S. receives more Russians, American Christians need to quickly clarify our approach to these people. American Christians, being globally-minded by nature, are obligated to think critically about how to embrace those fleeing an adversarial nation while also supporting American national security.
Christians should be “wise as serpents and gentle as doves” by being responsible consumers of current events, but also heeding the call to “make disciples of all nations,” which requires special care to avoid inappropriate Russophobia. Unfounded paranoia of Russian people may conflict with the Christian responsibility to care for our communities, especially places with large Russian immigrant populations. While acknowledging obvious security threats, it would serve us well to heed to the stories of Russians and understand their unique contributions to American society.
To inform responsible caution about adversarial foreign influence within Russian communities, American Christians should observe principles from the media we consume. We can read about how an alleged Russian intelligence officer posed as a chef at a popular Russian restaurant in Washington D.C., or we can read unclassified U.S. intelligence reports about myriad national security threats facing Americans from Russia and its agents. Even watching the TV show “The Americans” serves as an entertaining reminder that the Russian government does indeed mobilize Russians abroad to advance the Kremlin’s interests. However, these vivid political and cultural images should be tempered by the broader context of most Russian immigration stories.
American Christians should consider why tens of thousands of Russian people have emigrated to the United States and the problems with presuming their political beliefs. Historically, the United States has received record numbers of Russians fleeing domestic upheaval and wars, which caused mass deaths of Russian civilians and instilled a culture of fear and repression, like the Russian Revolution in 1917. When you listen to Russians who moved to America, some common themes emerge: memories of communism, fear of political repression, anxiety, and powerlessness over poor quality of life, and limited employment opportunities. Perhaps more Americans need to personally hear the stories of Russians in order to understand that they, too, are victims of Putin’s war.
Reading Russian history can also inform necessary empathy towards a people group subjected to a painful historical timeline. Russia has inflicted decades of suffering upon other countries and people groups, especially through centuries of imperial rule and communism. Accordingly, some Russians who have committed known crimes should not be allowed into America, but there are appropriate government tools to deter this: travel bans, seizing assets, etc. Individual Americans should not approach all Russian people with blame and undue suspicion to punish the sins of those Russians perpetuating crimes. Is it fair to personally attribute blame to some 144 million Russians for a war organized by Russia’s elites?
Americans do not have the moral authority to condemn the virtue of an entire people group living in an undemocratic society. I once heard a U.S.-allied military official tell a group of security professionals that all Russians have “an evil soul” – something immutable about people with Russian ancestry. But Russians living in America should not be defined by the sins of their nationality – especially those seeking distance from the Russian state. There is certainly room to consider the ongoing moral obligation that a Russian citizen may have to oppose an immoral war, and it is worthwhile to read about the brave Russian dissidents advocating for a better Russia. But American Christians should also seek to understand the historically-driven fear that pressures many Russians into silence or emigration, which may be interpreted as fleeing moral responsibility to oppose the war.
For decades, the United States has welcomed immigrants and refugees from “adversaries,” like Russia, China, Iran. Many such people have uniquely strengthened American national security by offering nuanced cultural perspectives or language skills that inform assessments of international national security threats. Approaching people of Russian origin with fear and discrimination only discourages Russians from fully participating in American life. And if Americans engage in undue Russophobia, we counter-productively support the Kremlin’s talking points. The Russian government capitalizes on the narrative of Russophobia in the West – whether real or exaggerated – to justify some of its worst policies. For example, the Russian government refuses to allow Americans to adopt Russian children because Russia argues that Americans will violate their human rights simply because the children were Russian. The more Americans disprove the Kremlin’s “Russophobic” narrative, the weaker the Russian government’s political excuses for such a horrendous policy become. By taking more individualized approaches to Russian people, Americans can meet the Kremlin’s accusations of Russophobia with clean consciences.
As thousands more Russians emigrate to the U.S., American Christians should take a more responsible, individual approach to Russian people and culture rather than defaulting to reflexive Russophobia. We can simultaneously be observant and outspoken about the evil crimes perpetrated by the Russian state, care for Russian people within our communities, and be maximally empathetic towards the victims of Putin’s aggression.
